Germans watched with alarm as the far-right Alternative for Germany Alternative f�r Deutschland (AfD) or the Alternative for Germany party made unexpected gains in the September 1st state elections in Thuringia and Saxony, solidifying its position in the country's political landscape. Many view the AfD as a modern incarnation of the Nazi party, led by Adolf Hitler, due to its extremist rhetoric and policies. Though Bj�rn H�cke the chief of the Afd has denied any representation of Nazi ideology, he maintains that anyone criticizing the ruling party is branded as a Nazi.�
Although H�cke denies any connection to Nazi ideology, his public statements and social media posts often echo Nazi speeches, literature, and values. Some of his close associates have even been linked to neo-Nazi groups that advocate for an economic system based on racial biology. In 2017, the AfD executive board attempted to expel H�cke after he publicly downplayed the significance of the Holocaust and the Memorial to the Murdered Jews, calling it a "monument of shame." However, a Thuringia court ruled in his favour, allowing him to remain in the party. Despite his claims, even far-right leaders in Italy and France have distanced themselves from the AfD, deeming it too toxic to associate with.
Following the elections, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has emerged as the largest party in Thuringia, securing 32.8% of the vote, and the second-largest party in Saxony, with 30.6% of the vote. Although these significant vote shares grant the AfD considerable influence, they fall short of a majority, necessitating the formation of a coalition government with other political parties. However, due to the AfD's polarizing nature, other parties have thus far refused to collaborate with them, potentially leaving the AfD without a role in government formation. Nevertheless, their substantial vote share will likely translate to a significant number of seats, enabling them to wield considerable power in the Lantag or the state legislature. Specifically, they may be able to block key decisions, such as the appointment of judges and top security officials, which require a two-thirds majority in the Lantag. This could allow the AfD to exert significant influence over the legislative process, even if they are excluded from the governing coalition.
The surge in popularity of far-right ideologues like Bj�rn H�cke and his AfD party in Germany, a country still grappling with the shame and hurt of its Nazi past, may seem perplexing at first glance. However, the key to understanding this phenomenon lies in the tumultuous period between Germany's post-war division and its reunification in 1990. A study of the events that transpired during this period, particularly in the eastern part of the country, reveals that the genesis of German extremist ideologies took shape during this time, enabling figures like H�cke to exploit simmering resentments and tap into a deep-seated sense of disillusionment among certain segments of the population.
It all started with the post-war Soviet occupation of East Germany and the influx of western capital to rebuild West Germany. While the Soviets instilled communist ideology in East German society, West Germans enjoyed the fruits of democracy and capitalism. As some of the best German factories in the Dresden industrial belt were relocated to Russia, American capital flowed abundantly into the West. The West leveraged German scientific and technological expertise to establish one of the world's richest economies in West Germany. Meanwhile, the Soviets left the East German economy gasping for capital, so much so that by 1989, West Germany's GDP reached nearly $1,400 billion, while East Germany's GDP lagged at a mere $160 billion a staggering eight-fold difference.
The Soviet occupation of East Germany brought about profound societal changes, despite its harsh economic policies. Notably, there was a significant increase in women's participation in the workforce, and in general East German women made rapid strides achieving equal advancements with men. One such example being Angela Merkel, who later went on to become the Chancellor of Germany. As women progressed economically, many migrated from states like Thuringia which has since suffered with a lopsided gender ratio.�
Another change crept into post-war East German generations. Unlike the West, where a system of natural justice was effectively imposed on Nazi war criminals, Soviet-occupied East Germany lacked transparency in judicial procedures. Consequently, the collective shame and hurt of West Germany's population regarding their forebears' actions were far more acute than in East Germany.
Post-reunification, economic and societal disparities between the two Germanys persisted, albeit to a lesser extent. Despite sincere efforts by German leaders to bridge the gaps, the schisms remained until a new issue emerged in 2015. Chancellor Angela Merkel's decision to accept around 100,000 Syrian refugees affected by the Syrian war has since grown to over 500,000 by 2022. Additionally, many Afghans were allowed to immigrate to Germany following the Afghanistan war. For Germans grappling with the legacy of Nazi shame, this presented a chance to showcase their capacity for compassion. However, the large influx of refugees settling in eastern provinces came as a cultural shock to East Germans.
The influx of refugees in eastern Germany created a volatile mix of cultural and social tensions. The arrival of hundreds of thousands of refugees from Syria and Afghanistan, though well-intentioned, sparked a cultural shock in the region. This fragile situation was further destabilized by sporadic jihadist-style terror attacks, which provided the right fodder for the far-right AfD party to capitalize on. The AfD, opposed to mass immigration, seized on these events to intensify their rhetoric. Moreover, many Germans, particularly in the east, disagree with the government's stance on the Ukraine-Russia conflict and the resulting surge in oil prices due to the ban on Russian imports. Bj�rn H�cke has effectively exploited this discontent, as the AfD openly supports Putin's actions in Ukraine. Furthermore, the AfD's climate change stance diverges from Germany's and Europe's commitment to reducing carbon emissions. The AfD's anti-immigration, anti-Ukraine, and anti-environmental positions resonate with many eastern Germans, creating a fertile ground for the party's ideology to take root.
In reality, the AfD would have secured even more votes if it weren't for Sahra Wagenknecht's B�ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) or the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, which has emerged as a rival political force with a surprisingly similar platform. Although Wagenknecht is considered far-left, her anti-immigration, anti-Ukraine, anti-environmental, and euro sceptic agenda has resonated with many voters in eastern Germany. The BSW has managed to secure a significant share of votes, which would likely have gone to the AfD had it not been for Wagenknecht's presence. The formation of the BSW was partly intended to draw votes away from the AfD, which is viewed as a fascist party. Wagenknecht and others share concerns that the AfD should not be allowed to take centre stage due to its disregard for the fundamental laws of the German republic.
Currently, all political parties in Thuringia and Saxony have shunned the possibility of a coalition with the AfD. This political isolation may alienate AfD voters, but the party's vague agenda and lack of detailed policy outlines hinder its ability to gain broader traction. Meanwhile, the federal government in Berlin, led by Olaf Scholz, must introspect on why far-right parties like the AfD are gaining ground in eastern states. Integrating these regions more closely with West German society should be a top priority. If not, the country risks perpetuating the resurgence of far-right ideologies reminiscent of Hitler's Nazi party.
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